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First Nations leaders in B.C. call for Conservatives to drop candidate Aaron Gunn

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A man in a black coat looks at camera.

Social media comments made by North Island-Powell River Conservative candidate Aaron Gunn have resurfaced, sparking outrage from First Nations leaders.

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dreadhead
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Weird that this keep happening...
Vancouver Island, Canada
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After Trump NIH cuts, what's next? A new paper may provide clues | STAT

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Normally, a perspective piece in a small, two-month old journal would not garner much attention. But, a paper published last week, called “A Blueprint for NIH Reform,” is circulating in academic circles as well as within the National Institutes of Health, as scientists search for hints of where the agency may go in the coming months and years.

The paper has attracted a spotlight because it was written by Martin Kulldorff, a collaborator of the agency’s new director, Jay Bhattacharya, who is also on the editorial board of the publication, called the Journal of the Academy of Public Health.

The blueprint has 12 proposals for the agency, which range from breaking it into pieces to changing the ways researchers are funded to conducting more long-term studies to the creation of a “Covid Commission” to investigate the agency’s handling of the pandemic.  As a whole, the proposal is something of a referendum on the pandemic. 

“I think that NIH failed us during the pandemic, and to restore trust in science, we have to change the way we operate as a scientific community, and have to change the NIH, and I think one key aspect is to be more open and transparent and have open scientific discourse,” Kulldorff said in an interview.  

Experts on science policy who reviewed the paper for STAT said it largely relitigates the NIH’s performance during the pandemic, and is at times correct in its diagnoses of problems at the agency but is biased by Kulldorff’s personal experience. During the pandemic, Kulldorff and Bhattacharya were criticized for writing The Great Barrington Declaration, an open letter they co-authored that challenged the need for most social distancing efforts and called for less stringent public health measures in the first year of the pandemic.

“I think we shouldn’t be Covid-obsessed when we think about NIH reform, and this set of proposals is. It makes sense given who the author is, right? He has an ax to grind, and I don’t blame him for having an ax to grind, but that ends up coloring the tenor of what reform would look like,” said Pierre Azoulay, an economist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who has studied the NIH and advocated for reform

Several of the proposals line up with policies already put forth by the Trump administration. The paper calls for the same payment rate for indirect research costs for all institutions, a measure that the administration attempted to implement but that has been halted for now by a federal judge. It also emphasizes “academic freedom and open scientific discourse.” In an email to staff on his first day in office, Bhattacharya lists “academic freedom” as one of his top five priorities. 

The paper also proposes basing decisions about making large grants on the applicant’s previous research, as opposed to proposed experiments, and providing training funding directly to universities to disburse, rather than have these awards be judged by an NIH panel. 

The experts who spoke with STAT supported the idea of minimizing the time that researchers spend writing grant proposals and justifying funding. 

“​​Researchers spend way too much time just chasing after money,” said Stuart Buck, the executive director of the Good Science Project, a science policy think tank. “If you look at some of the best places that did research historically, like Bell Labs, scientists had a job, they had funding, it was centrally funded. They didn’t have to spend half their time writing up proposals for why they deserved money and deserve to get a salary and deserve to have a little lab space and so forth.” 

But making NIH funding dependent on a researcher’s previous “first-author” publications, as Kullfdorff proposed, could also create inequities in who can apply for those funds. This approach is similar to how the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, which attempts to fund bold and innovative research, makes funding decisions. But, there are also biases in who is funded by the HHMI, the largest private funder of biomedical research, the experts said. 

“The best predictor of whether you get a Hughes position is whether you work in the lab of somebody else who had a Hughes position, or whether you work in the lab of somebody who is in the National Academy of Sciences. So there’s a huge bias toward the in crowd,” said Jeremy Berg, an associate dean and professor at the University of Pittsburgh who previously led the National Institute of General Medical Sciences at NIH. 

Berg and others noted that in areas they agreed with the proposal, like requiring projects with NIH funding to have open data, or requiring publication in journals with open peer-review, there was little reference to previously published research that examined the pros and cons of similar reform ideas. “It’s relatively easy to pose the problem, and say, ‘We just need to do this.’ Then when you actually try to think about how you would do that, it turns out that it’s flawed, and leads to all kinds of unintended consequences, and is basically unworkable,” Berg said. 

In particular, some outside experts were concerned about proposals that could signal retribution toward the NIH and others that disagreed with Bhattacharya and Kulldorff during the pandemic. In writing about academic freedom, Kulldorff writes that individuals should not be discriminated against on factors including vaccination history, ethical convictions, and political beliefs. That section ends by saying, “Digressions during the pandemic should be rectified.” 

“This looks like it was a setup to punish organizations, institutions and individuals that did things during the pandemic that they don’t like,” said Keith Yamamoto, vice chancellor of science policy and strategy at the University of California, San Francisco, who recently led a group who wrote a report on optimizing the NIH. “I worry that this is a call for retribution for people who didn’t agree with what Bhattacharya wanted to do to open up society during the pandemic.” 

Berg said former colleagues at the NIH have been passing around the blueprint, to understand what changes might be coming to the agency. When asked if he had discussed the paper with Bhattacharya, Kulldorff responded, “you have to ask him what he thinks about these proposals.”

A spokesperson for Bhattacharya and the NIH did not respond to a request for comment.

But, given Bhattacharya’s connections to Killdorff and the journal, researchers have continued speculating. 

“If you told me this is what’s getting implemented, I’d be very worried. I think that they’re not, in their current form, particularly helpful,” Azoulay said. “Of course, everyone who reads this is wondering, ‘Is this what Jay thinks? If that’s the case, then we worry.”

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acdha
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Carolina Delgado

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doctordune:

Carolina Delgado

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jhamill
3 hours ago
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For Fuck's Sake

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California
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“My place is placeless, my trace is traceless,no body, no soul, I am from the soul of souls.I have…

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talonabraxas:

“My place is placeless, my trace is traceless,no body, no soul, I am from the soul of souls.I have chased out duality, lived the two worlds as one.”
― Rumi

Portal to the Infinite
Talon Abraxas

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jhamill
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‘El Mural Que Debió Ser’ (‘The Mural That Should’ve Been’) in Oaxaca, Mexico

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Born in 1902, María Izquierdo became one of Mexico’s most accomplished female artists of the 20th century, with a career similar to Frida Kahlo’s. Both became famous for their canvas paintings, rather than murals, which was Mexico’s defining artistic expression at the time. While Kahlo’s notable relationship was with Diego Rivera, Izquierdo’s was with Rufino Tamayo, both men known for painting on canvas and walls.

In 1945, Izquierdo was offered the opportunity to paint a large mural in Mexico City’s government headquarters, potentially making her the first female Mexican artist to undertake such a public commission. However, the offer was rescinded, and Izquierdo passed away in 1955 without ever creating a similar mural.

Izquierdo is also known for her damning quote: “It is a crime to be born a woman, it’s an even greater crime to be born a woman with talent.” The statement hints at the suspected reasons behind the cancellation of her proposed mural. Some believe that Diego Rivera, David Alfaro Siqueiros, and José Clemente Orozco—Mexico’s three most prominent muralists—led a boycott against her. Izquierdo’s sketches for the mural, depicting Mexico City’s history from its Indigenous roots to its post-Industrial Revolution social ideals, almost exclusively featured women. Despite previous collaborations with female artists, like the U.S.-born sisters Marion and Grace Greenwood, the male muralists disapproved of this concept and dismissed Izquierdo as “incapable and inexperienced,” resulting in the mural’s cancellation.

In 2021, curator Dea López sought to revive Izquierdo’s project on an exterior wall in the city of Oaxaca. On March 8th (International Women’s Day), 110 volunteers—mostly women—gathered to recreate the sketch at large scale, with a few variations. While Izquierdo’s original concept included a few men, this new version exclusively featured female characters, to affirm its feminist intentions. Over the course of four days, they completed their work, which now prominently displays its title: “El Mural Que Debió Ser” (The Mural That Should Have Been).

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hannahdraper
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Trump Just Pardoned ... a Corporation?

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Amid a flurry of pardons President Donald Trump issued to white-collar criminals last week, one name that has largely escaped notice did not belong to a person at all.

In what may have been a first, Trump pardoned a corporation. The company to earn that distinction was a cryptocurrency exchange sentenced to a $100 million fine for violating an anti-money laundering law.

The move surprised scholars of presidential pardons, which have traditionally been considered the domain of human beings. Several experts contacted by The Intercept said Trump appears to have acted within his powers, but they were unaware of any prior instances of corporations granted full pardons.

“There have been plenty of cases where presidents have remitted fines or forfeitures, or something else like that,” said Margaret Love, who served as U.S. pardon attorney from 1990 to 1997. “As far as I know, the president has never granted a full pardon to a corporation.”

One longtime critic of the federal government’s lenient approach to corporate crime said Trump’s pardon sent a dangerous message.

“Putting corporate pardons on the table strengthens Trump’s corrupt and authoritarian power over corporations,” said Rick Claypool, research director for consumer advocacy group Public Citizen’s president’s office. “This has the potential to trigger a lobbying frenzy for any corporation that has faced federal enforcement.”

Trump’s pardon of HDR Global Trading, the owner and operator of crypto exchange BitMEX, was issued at the same time as pardons for three of the company’s co-founders and one of its employees.

Just like people, corporations can be convicted of crimes. While they cannot be sentenced to prison, they can face fines and serious consequences such as being barred from federal contracts.

The company and the four employees, including influential Bitcoin booster Arthur Hayes, pleaded guilty to violating the Bank Secrecy Act, which requires businesses to take steps to prevent money laundering.

Prosecutors said the company pretended to pull out of the U.S. market to avoid complying with the law, but knew its withdrawal was nothing more than a “sham,” even seeking out U.S.-based influencers to market its platform.

HDR Global Trading is incorporated in the Seychelles, an Indian Ocean island nation that has been dubbed a tax haven by the Tax Justice Network.

The company pleaded guilty last July. Two months ago, a federal judge handed it a $100 million fine and two years’ probation. The fine was supposed to be paid within 60 days of the judgment’s entry into the court record. The company said it had not paid the fine before receiving the pardon. The timing of Trump’s pardon means the company avoided the fine deadline by hours.

BitMEX says it still bars U.S. citizens from using its services. In a statement, the company thanked Trump.

“The BitMEX platform will continue to lead the market as the safest, most trusted, financially-stable, and professionally operated crypto derivatives exchange, employing new products and innovations month by month to many satisfied users,” the company said.

If the company had paid the judgment, legal scholars said, there would be no refund.

Under 1877 Supreme Court precedent, the president’s pardon power “cannot touch moneys in the treasury of the United States, except expressly authorized by act of Congress.”

BitMEX was not the only company to catch a break. Separately, Trump on Friday commuted the probation of Ozy Media, an online outlet that collapsed under allegations of fraud by its founder Carlos Watson two years ago. Ozy was also released from having to pay fines or restitution.

Scholars of presidential pardons said Trump was within his rights.

“It’s absolutely clear to me that a president can pardon corporations. The power to pardon plainly extends to any entity capable of being convicted of a crime,” said Frank Bowman, a University of Missouri law professor.

Yet while they said presidents have relieved companies from fines and other consequences of conviction as long ago as the 19th century, they struggled to think of any prior pardons.

The first known corporate request for a pardon was in 1975, according to a report from the time. President Gerald Ford’s White House rejected the request.

Ford’s predecessor, Richard Nixon, commuted the sentence of another company, according to Sam Morison, a former staff lawyer in the Justice Department Office of Pardon Attorney who conducted a review of its archives.

To Stanford University law school professor Bernadette Meyler, Trump’s pardon last week evoked the Supreme Court’s ruling in Citizens United.

“While we have seen the rise of a trend of treating corporations as persons in other areas of law, we haven’t seen that so far in the area of pardoning,” she said.

While Trump appears to have been within his rights, several observers said they were worried about the pardon’s implications.

Claypool, of Public Citizen, pointed to the crypto industry’s cozy relationship with the Trump administration. The Trump administration has already halted or dropped 14 cases targeting crypto companies, Claypool said. The pardon last week sent another message to the corporate world, he said.

“If you’re a corporation in a favored industry, you can break the law. You can get caught. You can be prosecuted and sentenced with a $100 million fine, and it doesn’t matter,” he said.

Brandon Garrett, a Duke University law professor who has written a book about how companies win backroom deals with prosecutors, said the pardon was part of a larger retreat from the enforcement of corporate crimes under Trump, pointing to his order freezing enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

“This may just be of a piece with the large and small ways in which corporate accountability is just not a focus. Quite the opposite,” he said.

Bowman said he was not alarmed by a corporation being pardoned — but by the larger pattern.

“Trump now seems to be systematically pardoning corporate malefactors left and right without respect, really, to any real serious consideration about the merits of the cases, the larger policy implications of issuing these pardons,” he said.

Morison, who now represents clients seeking clemency, predicted a surge in business.

He noted that one company that would not benefit from Trump’s novel exercise of the pardon power was the Trump Organization, since it was convicted of tax fraud and business records crimes on the state level.

“Trump can’t pardon his own company. Otherwise, he would,” Morison said.

Update: April 2, 2025, 9:58 a.m. ET
The article has been updated with additional comment from BitMEX.

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acdha
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The boy who would never do his homework

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As someone who has spent his life in the noble profession of teaching, I had exactly the same thought as Paul Krugman about the genesis of yesterday’s very special episode of America: Fuck Around and Find Out:

So what do we know about how the Trumpists arrived at their tariff plan? Trump claimed that the tariff rates imposed on different countries reflected their policies, but James Surowiecki soon noted that the tariffs applied to each country appeared to be derived from a crude formula based on the U.S. trade deficit with that country. Trump officials denied this, while at the same time the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative released a note confirming Surowiecki’s guess. Here’s their explanation:

Ignore the Greek letters, which cancel each other out. This says that the assumed level of a country’s protectionism is equal to its trade surplus with America divided by its exports to America.

Trump also set minimum tariffs of 10 percent on everyone, which means among other things imposing tariffs on uninhabited islands.

There’s so much wrong with this approach that it’s hard to know where to start. But one easy thing to point out is that the Trump calculation only considers trade in goods, while ignoring trade in services. This is a big omission. Notably, the European Union runs a substantial surplus with us if you only look at trade in goods — but this is largely offset by an EU deficit in services trade:

So if Trump’s people had plugged all trade with the EU, not just trade in physical goods, into their formula they would have concluded that Europe is hardly protectionist at all.

Where is this stuff coming from? One of these days we’ll probably get the full story, but it looks to me like something thrown together by a junior staffer with only a couple of hours’ notice. That USTR note, in particular, reads like something written by a student who hasn’t done the reading and is trying to bullshit their way through an exam.

That’s a bingo!

Krugman is a lot smarter than I am, but I also recognized that this is pretty much exactly what must have happened, as soon as I read the details of the administration’s “analysis.”

The boy who would never do his homework is going to wreck the world’s economy, and give us all a bracing little interlude of FAFO, because of sheer intellectual laziness, and the malignant stupidity that is its inbred cousin:

When the fate of the world economy is on the line, the malignant stupidity of the policy process is arguably as important as the policies themselves. How can anyone, whether they’re businesspeople or foreign governments, trust anything coming out of an administration that behaves like this?

Next thing you’ll be telling me that Trump’s people are planning military actions over insecure channels and accidentally sharing those plans with journalists. Oh, wait.

I’d like to imagine that Trump will admit that he messed up, cancel the whole thing, and start over. But he won’t, because that would spoil the dominance display. Ignorant irresponsibility is part of the message.

The post The boy who would never do his homework appeared first on Lawyers, Guns & Money.

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hannahdraper
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